Mayor Michael Bloomberg of New York City has taken both praise and heat for his latest move in his campaign against obesity: a ban on the sale of large (more than 16 oz.) sugary drinks from public venues like restaurants, delis, movie theaters, and food stands.
Proponents of Bloomberg’s initiative hail this maneuver as a way to publicize the obesity problem in America. Even if the bill does not pass, it will at least raise awareness that our country needs to take strides toward better health. However, those against the bill – namely, large corporations that rely on soda distribution for income (like Pepsi, Coca-Cola, and McDonald’s), small business owners, and organizations such as the Center for Consumer Freedom – believe that Bloomberg is acting more like a nanny and less like a political leader.
But can anyone actually take Bloomberg to court over this? At this point, it looks like the legal arguments are lacking. According to Michelle Mello, a Harvard professor of law and public health, there are many states that impose standards on consumer products sold within their borders. In light of this precedent, it would appear too difficult to prove that New York had somehow exceeded its powers in this instance. Furthermore, Bloomberg’s prior health initiatives, like the ban on smoking inside bars, the requirement that chain restaurants post calorie counts on their menus, and a restaurant’s obligation to place its health grade in plain sight for patrons and passersby, each survived challenges to their respective legality. This track record does not bode well for a similar legal confrontation against the soda ban.
Even so, legal experts are saying that there are two routes that soda ban challengers can take: they can claim that the new legislation has no rational basis (i.e., that New York has exceeded the powers granted to it), and/or that the legislation violates the Commerce Clause of the United States Constitution.
On the rational basis route, a challenger can say that the legislation has no reasonable connection to a legitimate and constitutionally sound objective. But Bloomberg and Co. can argue that protecting the public health is a legitimate interest and, if they can prove that the ban would lower consumption of soft drinks and consequently reduce obesity among New Yorkers, the opposition would not be left with much room for argument. But there is a loophole: if large sodas can still be purchased at venues like grocery stores, or if the purchase of two 16 oz. sodas at a movie theater or restaurant can still occur, will there really be much change in soda consumption?
If challengers wanted to take the Commerce Clause (see Article I, Section 8, Clause 3 of our Constitution) route, they would have to prove that the ban interferes with U.S. interstate commerce. Interstate commerce is defined as the free exchange of commodities among citizens of different states across state lines, and soda industry representatives could argue that the soda ban unduly harms producers that ship soda syrup and cups from other states into New York.
What do you think about Pennsylvania legislators introducing a law like this in our state? Is there really a way that it can better public health? We have already followed Mayor Bloomberg’s lead concerning smoking bans in restaurants – do you think that a soda ban can garner the same public support?